Аннотация: Phased translation from Russian into English. Владимир Владимирович Залесский "Диалог о генерале бароне фон Таубе".
Dialogue about the general baron von Taube
The Reader and the Readeress left M. Gorky's cafe-library and have gone down the street, discussing the memoirs of the general Pavel Grigoryevich Kurlov "Гибель Императорской России" ("Death of Imperial Russia"; "The end of the Russian tsarism"), which are recently read by them.
- P.G. Kurlov (1860-1923) isn't among the most known historical figures, - the Reader was expounding his thoughts. - Moreover, a peculiar reputation is combined with not especially broad popularity. In P.G. Kurlov's memoirs and in memories of him there are a name of P.A. Stolypin, names of the priest Gapon, Rasputin... Not each memoirist can "brag" of such set of names... P.G. Kurlov (slightly) critically mentions names of S.Yu. Witte and V.N. Kokovtsov...
- It seems that - the Readeress has spoken, - in P.G. Kurlov's biography it is possible "to allocate" two "parts".
One "part" is connected with a name of P.A. Stolypin... With names of V.A. Sukhomlinov, the priest Gapon, Rasputina... With some criticism of P.G. Kurlov, adressed to S.Yu. Witte, to V.N. Kokovtsov.
Other "part" - descriptions of his (Kurlov) of origin (he is a native of family of the military serviceman), his beliefs (patriotically adjusted Russian citizen, the monarchist, "reactionary"), qualification (the official of multifunctional type having enormous practical experience, educated, with a broad outlook, resolute, active and vigorous)...
P.G. Kurlov writes in one place of the memoirs: "As the old Horse Grenadier I was on this anniversary". In another: "For me, as old prosecutor...". In general, P.G. Kurlov's versatility can cause some sympathy.
It is possible to refer evolution of his political convictions to "other part": if to judge by his memoirs, then he has gradually come to conclusions about need of equalizing for the rights of various nationalities and religious groups, about need for Russia of the constitution.
We will add to this "part" ("other part") and his luckiness: for P. G. Kurlov different sorts of circumstances ended more or less safely.
- S.Yu. Witte wrote about P.G. Kurlov, - the Reader has quoted -: "He the person undoubtedly not without abilities and as I could see subsequently, the person personally brave and courageous... But he is a man with very shaky principles and filled full arbitrariness, so very little obeyed the laws and at every turn made arbitrariness. Kurlov, as it has appeared, has got special goodwill of the 'Unions of the Russian People'. (...) Of course, he didn't know affairs of confidential police and has been loved by all extreme monarchist parties. With full recklessness he spent confidential public money..."
- P.G. Kurlov gave estimates to both S.Yu. Witte, and V.N. Kokovtsov, - the Readeress has reminded. - Here, for example, that Kurlov wrote: "... Untimely mailing of the manifesto... have caused immeasurable, harmful consequences for all the Russia... Equally the approved by Emperor report of the count Witte wasn't clear for people. As this report far didn't comprise accuracy and hardness necessary from the point of view of correctly understood government power". Or: "P.A. Stolypin put in the forefront the interests of the state, and V.N. Kokovtsov - personal. V.N. Kokovtsov's vanity - small, low bureaucratic selfishness; He was involved in the desire to occupy an outstanding position....".
P.G. Kurlov gave examples of accurate expenditure of public funds by him.
- Much more interestingly personally for me those places of memoirs of P.G. Kurlov where he shows observational abilities, - the Reader has gone deep into memoirs. - Here P.G. Kurlov tells about activity of police officials in Kiev:
"At representation of officials of police to me, I asked one of the okolotochnykh of supervisors about quantity in his city site in a month of the entering and outgoing bueracratic papers and have received in reply that there were more than 4000 numbers. answering a further question, how he under such circumstances fulfills his duties, the okolotochny supervisor told me, that he has the clerk to whom pays the fee equaling to his own contents. The further inquiries weren't necessary, as any comments were excessive".
And here other ironical remark of P.G. Kurlov:
"... The chief of counterprospecting office, on the most Prussian border, with pride has answered my question of quantity at him secret agents that he has one and a half thousand of secret agents. And when I, knowing the size of the sums which are released on this subject and thinking that, owing to importance of point, he receives any extraordinary allocations, has asked him about their size (the size of the sums), he with full naivety answered, that he received on secret-service expenses common three thousand rubles a month".
Unless stories by P.G. Kurlov about the competition of various authorities in front-line areas (after the beginning of World War I), about features of evacuation of the population and the industrial plants after the beginning of military operations aren't curious?
It is a lot of interesting facts and well-aimed observations.
In general, P.G. Kurlov's role as some kind of communicator (intermediary) between the military and civil authorities during "Austro-German war" (P.G. Kurlov's term) can't but draw attention.
One of places of memoirs of P.G. Kurlov suggests an idea, that he wrote the corresponding fragment of the book of memoirs with thoughts about N.V. Gogol:
"I want to give the characteristic example illustrating dominating in this area [in the field of management] chaos... By some commission, under the chairmanship of the lieutenant colonel Semyonov, in the Riga, Libavsky and Vindavsky customs it was detained goods for many million rubles. The order it has been made several months ago, and then the commission has disappeared completely. Goods can't be released. As the result the trading companies sustained heavy losses. (...). . Neither the governor, nor other civil authorities, as well as the chief of garrison, knew nothing about the commission of the lieutenant colonel Semyonov... At last, the chief of the Riga customs has found in the archive an old piece of paper from which it was visible that the commission of the lieutenant colonel Semyonov has arrived in Riga on order of the chief director of supply service, meanwhile as the office of this supply service demanded from the chief director of the Dwin military district to inspect functions of the commission and to identity its chairman. About such unexpected result I informed the general Danilov and on the same day have received order to make the instruct about free release of goods by customs".
- In P.G. Kurlov's hands (generally, he was far from police activity) in 1909 concentrates the power of Companion (deputy) of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Head of police and the Commander of the Corps of gendarmes , - the Reader has continued. - There is a difficulty: it is necessary to arrange (other) appointment to the baron von Taube who was at that time the commander of the Corps of gendarmes.
P.A. Stolypin has charged to the general V.A. Sukhomlinov to provide to the baron von Taube the corresponding position on the Defense Ministry. The general Sukhomlinov as a result has found a vacancy. "... The nakazny ataman of the Don Cossack Host (Army of Don's Cossacks) was given the more highest - new - assignment. And the Minister of Defense has asked the Highest Command for replacement of the former ataman with the general baron von Taube".
P.G. Kurlov compared some circumstances of 1905 and event of 1917.
In 1905 at the head of military units (for example, a cavalry squadron) Kurlov resists to the revolt of peasants in the Rylsky County. "Fights" ended without casualties, but some of the rebels had to publicly flogged. Kurlov arrives to one of the plants of the industrialist Tereshchenko to prevent his (plant) destruction by the revolting crowd. At the plant there is an infantry company. The district police officer reports to Kurlov, that "the company of infantry which is at the plant is extremely unreliable. It half consists of the mobilized reservists, mostly local workers, who, entering on the plant last night, friendly welcomed the former colleagues".
In other part of the memories relating to 1917, P.G. Kurlov tells about "A February military revolt in Petrograd".
And here the P.G. Kurlov's comparative reflections:
"At that time for Tereshchenko's plant the danger in a call reservists from workers for suppression of the their own associates wasn't especially high. But she was enormous when in 1916 and 1917 in Petrograd were concentrated about 200 thousand spare (called up reservists) among which there was significant amount of local factory workers. This time the mistake has turned out fatal, and the government by its own hands has created the military revolt which has ruined Russia".
Concentration of "spare" in Petrograd P.G. Kurlov considers as one of the reasons of "a February revolt" and revolution.
In final parts of the memoirs P.G. Kurlov speaks also need of the constitution, and need of the solution of an agrarian question.
P.G. Kurlov calls the reasons of "revolt", but about in whose competence there was permission of the most important public problems, - holds silence.
Or to consider that the solution of these problems - in competence of "government"?
For example, S.Y. Witte and V.N. Kokovcov (government leaders) are difficult to reproach in the concentration of hundreds of thousands of spares in Petrograd, in the absence of the Constitution, in the unresolved agrarian issue.
- It wasn't so simple to control hundreds of thousands "spare", - the Readeress has noticed.
- In general, the question of "control" has been rather difficult, - the Reader has sighed. - If to use P.G. Kurlov's examples from 1905, then squadrons and companies (and it is several hundreds of the servicemen) were resisted by "crowds" (thousands). The problem of "control" became complicated with change of mood in troops.
Here one of the statements of the general Kurlov about events of February, 1917:
"... This revolt could never capture army so spontaneously if wasn't already and is earlier shown criminal connivance from some traitors, who were at the head of command structures. The first place among them belongs to the general Ruzsky. Nothing else could be expected from him. His favourite the employee and, speak, even an inspirer, was the chief of his headquarters general Bonch-Bruyevich ... which subsequently consisted the member of the highest military meeting, headed by Trotsky. And the brother of General Bonch-Bruevich held the post of Chief of the Office of the Council of People's Commissars.
Sovereign Imperator, who come at this time from the front to the troops which were under the team of the general Ruzsky, was informed, that the revolt has captured all troops, that to return back, to Mogilev, is impossible, and that it depends on Him to prevent the bloodsheds threatening to the country.
(...) ""Bloody Nikolay", as the underground press until revolution dared to name him and as repeated the unbridled press after February days, haven't wished to spill any drop of blood of the people loved by him and has signed renunciation of a throne in favor of the brother, the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich of Russia".
- The Supreme Commander hasn't controled the commander-in-chief of armies of the Northern front, the general Ruzsky, the general Ruzsky hasn't controled the chief of staff the general Bonch-Bruyevich..., - the Readeress began to reflect.
- All went out of "control", - with some surprise the Readeress has come to a conclusion, slightly unexpected for herself. - Peasants, "spare", troops, generals, lieutenant colonels... What needed to be done? Publicly punish flogging? To execute, to shoot? But - whom?. At some point many have (in large quantities) ceased to obey the orders and commands...
"Then, - P.G. Kurlov writes, - there was a serious collision of leyb-guard of the Pavlovsk regiment with police on Konyushennaya Square, and among police ranks there were wounded and the killed. It was succeeded to cope with this group of rebels, however, in spite of the fact that they shooted even into the officers. Detainees have been got on a guardroom of the Winter Palace from where ran at night. Police and gendarmes continued to bear selflessly the service, but, of course, were unable to cope with troops".
- People have changed, and "administration" hasn't noticed, - the Reader melancholically stated. - Perhaps, Sergey Yulyevich Witte has spoken on this subject: "The manifesto on October 17, 1905 submits itself such act which temporarily may be not executed , it is possible to damn The manifesto, but which nobody can destroy. The manifesto is engraved in the hearts and minds of the vast majority of the population of great Russia. "
- Someone wanted freedoms, someone - lands, and someone - preservations of the life during "unclear" and "infinite" world war, - the Readeress has assumed.
- And someone would put forward the version that the I State Duma was capable in 1906 and to resolve an agrarian question, and - can be - to reduce risk of war. And the defensive war which has begun in 1914 - in the presence of the representative, authorized, authoritative Duma - had every chance to come to the finish with a victory, - the Reader argued.
The Readeress has playfully addressed the janitor sweeping the street: "What do you think of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905?". On an unexpected question, - may be, feeling his jocosity, - the janitor reacted with silence.
- Lenin at the beginning of 1917 lived in emigration abroad and wasn't really widely known, - the Reader has spoken. - Photos with the images of the Duma figures were published in newspapers and magazines.
The public assumed that the power will pass from the Emperor, from imperial bureaucracy to comely Duma figures, to caring and resolute (in speeches) "national representation".
- At the times of the Emperor Nicholas II the elective legislation (lawfully and illegally) changed, the Duma was chosen, convoked and dismissed..., - the Readeress has begun to remember. - But after the February revolution of 1917 the Duma in general has ceased to gather and be elected... Why? Strange... Ready, created, (to some extent) duly elected representative body... Representing - unlike the Petrograd Soviet - the much bigger mass of the population...
Focus has been executed. But in a format: the Duma figures (who have entered into Provisional government), but - without the Duma... Sleight of hand...
"... Came Pygmies, without talents, without will, not knowing to what side they should go", - the general Kurlov reports.
So: There is no Emperor - there is no Duma - too.
The Soviets arised. But "Soviets" in the conditions of total lawless repressive violence and one-party political system - it was the slogan... In reality have begun: - committees of poor residents, revolutionary committees...
The imperial army has been demobilized. The status "spare" as defenders of "revolution" from "tsarism" was nullified. Formation of the Red Army has begun. Hopes of hundreds of thousands "spare" on evasion from participation in fighting through participation in overthrow of a tsarism - haven't come true. It was necessary for the "spares" to go under bullets.
Duration of the working day has been announced by reduced. But position of workers was influenced by many factors: both intensity of work, and norm of payment, and inflation, and condition of the food and ware markets. It is unlikely workers began to live much better.
About peasants I will hold silence.
- Eventually, there are ((West) European) concepts "free will", "aspiration fortunately", - the Reader has reminded. And asked:
- How to go to "happiness"? How to formulate the forecast? How to make the plan, to organize his fulfillment?
If the revolting troops and "insurgent people" knew that the political regime of Nicholas II (with the "weak-willed" and "unlucky" Emperor, with "rotten" and "powerless" imperial bureaucracy) - at all of his (regime) shortcomings - will remain formally the most democratic still almost a couple of decades, beginning from 1917... And (not formally, but) actually - even longer. And, perhaps, relatively quite humanistic...
- There was a wish to have more, bigger, - the Readeress has agreed. - Without the authorized, representative Duma turned out not in the best way. But without the Emperor (and without the imperial bureaucracy) turned out - uncomfortable.
The Reader and the Readeress have approached a show-window of bookstore and for a minute have stopped to look at the books which have interested them.
July 28, 2017 - July 30, 2017.
Translation from Russian into English: January 27, 2018 01:27, January 29, 2018 11:15.
Владимир Владимирович Залесский 'Диалог о генерале бароне фон Таубе'.