Аннотация: The tutorial for practical politics and polit-technologies. About the book by Gennady Matveyev "Pilsudski."
The tutorial for practical politics and polit-technologies. About the book by Gennady Matveyev "Pilsudski."
1. A modern reader can read the book 'Pilsudski' with interest.
Pilsudski's political methods in the 1920s and 30s of the 20th century (from about the eighth chapter of the book onwards) can be included in modern political technology textbooks (textbooks used in the 10s-20s of the 21st century).
2. A reader may encounter paradoxical fragments of the text. For example: "As soon as Pilsudski climbed the podium [March 27, 1928] ... the Communist deputies began to shout: "The fascist Pilsudski government! Go away!"
The concept of "fascist government" was not still familiar enough in Europe. Where a "fascist government" will appear, a Communist deputies will quickly lose the opportunity to shout in parliament.
So, if a such cries take place, then, therefore, the "fascist government" has not yet come to power.
3. Some of the statements in the book by Gennady Matveyev [Gennady Matveev] [Геннадий Матвеев] associatively illustrate a row of political traditions:
3.1. A reducing the power of parliament and expanding the powers of the executive branch (or informal centers of political influence).
3.2. A consolidation of society around a political leader. An expansion of skepticism in relation to political competition. ('There may well be a quasi-party that obediently carries out the commands of the dictator. (...) It is only necessary to secure the majority for this party, and the Sejm from the opponent will turn into an institution obedient to the will of the regime and become its integral part. And the opposition in parliament will be a safe and harmless critic of the regime, allowing to keep in the eyes of world public opinion the appearance of democracy ').
3.3. A restriction of freedom of speech and press.
3.4. A gradual, partly eluding public attention, more and more ominous deterioration of the foreign policy situation.
3.5. A "point impact" on opposition political forces.
3.6. A formation of a 'personnel reserve' [a 'reserve for employment']...
4. One of the phrases of the book leads to associations linked with a level of effectiveness of insufficiently democratic regimes:
'... all of a sudden, they realized that if the stroke was stronger, they would have been left without a leader who thought, planned and made decisions for the entire camp, assigning them only the role of obedient executors of his orders. Moreover, the building of the dictatorship was still in scaffolding, it did not have a solid legal foundation and the necessary supporting structures that would allow Pilsudskiites (Pilsudczyks) to retain power in the absence of a commandant. ' (We are talking about a mild stroke, which 60-year-old Pilsudski suffered a night from April 17 to April 18, 1928).
This phrase speaks of fears.
But these fears do not contain a concerns of the upcoming changes in Germany, nor in the USSR, nor in Europe as a whole.
But the key to the future was in changes in the global and European political situation.
Napoleon sharply limited freedom of the press. As a result, before the outbreak of hostilities of the Great Army against the Russian Empire in 1812, the lessons of the Swedish invasion of Russia (Northern War 1700-1721) were not in the focus of attention.
As Henri Troyat ironically wrote, Napoleon, approaching Moscow, expected the arrival of the boyars (they ought to meet the 'guest' and demonstrate loyalty) - while the boyars had not been on the political arena of Russia for almost 100 years.
Such was the level of knowledge about Russia and its history under the conditions of restrictions on democratic freedoms, freedom of speech and press under the regime of Napoleon I.
('Until his death, Pilsudski believed that the main theater of war would be the eastern one. Only in April 1934, when at a meeting ... with the participation of 20 top and senior officers ..., 13 people considered that Germany poses a great danger, and only two pointed to the Soviet Union, he began to doubt his forecast. '- Gennady Matveev ' Pilsudski. '- A very interesting phrase ...).
5. From the limitations of democratic, parliamentary mechanisms, a personnel problem paradoxically appeared: 'The first thing that disturbs the commandant is a lack of people. He felt this lack throughout his state work. He sought to ensure that the state activity could be ruled by people who fought for this Poland, and not those for whom this state was, in fact, a surprise. In achieving this goal, he faced insurmountable difficulties.
Some did not want to do this work, to which they had certain abilities. Others were or a people who wanted to act by the methods of their past conspiratorial ghetto, that is, by methods unsuitable for running the state, or people with so mediocre and undeveloped abilities that at such a mental level it is impossible to manage even a small business, not to mention the state ...
The commandant draws attention to the repeatedly stressed need to identify, to know people and to inform him about them ... "' - Gennady Matveev 'Pilsudski'.
6. "It is quite obvious that no one, apart from Pilsudski, had a tightly fixed place in the hierarchy. The next behind the chief was the one through whom the Marshal transfered his orders and instructions "- Gennady Matveev "Pilsudski."
7. The foreign policy environment slowly, but surely, was putting on the agenda not so much a military training, a defense activities, but an ultra-thin diplomatic game in non-stop mode. But for such a diplomatic game, it seems to us, there were no prepared projects of a future, no traditions, no concepts, no suitable candidates.
The inhabitants of Poland possessed, according to Pilsudski, the instinct of freedom (which Pilsudski appreciated). In the regime of carrying out the tasks of the next five-year plan or of a totalitarian society, Polish citizens did not want to live. 1939 was drawing near.
'At the beginning of November 1932, the ententephile August Zaleski [the surname contains the one letter 's'] was dismissed with all honors, and Pilsudski appointed Colonel Jozef Beck in his place, - the figure, which was rather odious for the French allies ...'
Such a historical hypothesis has the right to exist: around 1917 (and in subsequent years), the role of the armed forces and armed units began to decline - and, conversely, the field of diplomacy gradually became the most significant for Poland. This circumstance did not receive sufficient public recognition in the 1920s and 1930s. Candidates for effective, delicate diplomatic activities were not trained. 'On his [Jozef Beck's] initiative, there [at the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs], a large personnel purge was carried out, which opened the way to a considerable number of Pilsudskiites (Pilsudczyks) for a diplomatic career."
'The necessary conditions for genuine reconciliation, according to the Marshal himself, arose only after Germany left the League of Nations on October 19, 1933 and after her [Germany] subsequent international isolation. "The Polish dictator considered that fate gave him a unique chance to overcome tensions in bilateral relations."
Poland (before 1939) failed to manage to take a place in the Allied train "USA-Great Britain-France-USSR"
Events headed towards 1939 ...
March 15, 2020 12:13
Translation from Russian into English: March 16, 2020 06:30.
Владимир Владимирович Залесский 'Учебник практической политики и полит-технологий. О книге Геннадия Матвеева 'Пилсудский''.